154、既没老爸，又没老大
154、既没老爸，又没老大 (第1/3页)
孟子接着说："再到后来，圣王不出，诸侯放肆，士人们到处乱发议论，杨朱和墨翟的学说充斥天下，你随便在大街上拿块石头一扔，砸着的人如果不是杨派的，那八成就是墨派的。（天下之言，不归杨则归墨。）杨朱强调个人，强调自我，这就否定了对领导的尽忠精神，简直目无君上；墨家主张兼爱，不分亲疏，把自己的父母和陌生人同样看待。这两派，一个是无君，一个是无父，无君无父那不就成了禽兽了么？公明仪说过：'庖有肥肉，厩有肥马，民有饥色，野有饿莩，此率兽而食人也。'（注意：这句话我就不翻译了，一来原文既很好懂，又很有力，二来，最重要的是，在"梁惠王篇"里孟老师曾经说过这话，现在完全就是一模一样的，也不知这话的版权到底归谁。）如果杨朱、墨翟的学说不被消灭，那么孔子的学说就不容易得到发扬。唉，异端邪说忽悠了大众，把仁义的道路给堵塞住了。仁义的道路被堵塞，不也就等于率兽食人么，而且还会人吃人啊！我很忧虑将来真会发生这样的惨状，便出来捍卫古代圣人的学说，我反对杨墨，驳斥谬论，让那些满嘴荒唐言的异端分子抬不起头来。"
万章在旁边越听越激动，赞叹道："对，我们要把他们打入十八层地狱，再踏上千万只脚！"
孟子情绪高涨，热泪盈眶："如果心里盘踞着那些荒谬的学说，就会危害到正常工作，这也就等于危害了政治。即使什么时候下过雨再冒出几个圣人来，他们也一定会同意我的话的。"
孟子越说越激动："从前大禹制服了洪水，天下才得到太平；周公吞并了夷狄，赶跑了猛兽，百姓才得到安宁；孔子著成《春秋》而乱臣贼子惧。《诗经》上说：'攻打戎人和狄人，惩罚楚国和舒国，就没人还敢反抗我！'（这两句诗他老人家也是第二次引了，不过这次多引了一句。）像杨派和墨派这些无父无君的人，周公若在，一定会狠狠教训他们的！我和周公一样，也要端正人心，消除邪说，反对偏激的行为，驳斥荒唐的言论。（正人心，息邪说，距跛行，放淫辞）我这是在继承大禹、周公和孔子这三位圣人的伟大事业啊，难道我是吃饱了撑的整天去跟人抬杠啊？我抬杠是迫不得已的呀！而能够勇敢地去跟杨派、墨派抬杠的人，那才是货真价实的圣人门徒啊！"
--孟老师的这段长篇大论总算结束了。虽然他老人家讲古论今、慷慨激昂，可在我们现代读者看来，难免没有一些心惊胆颤的感觉：如果这位爷当真手握了大权，还不把天下所有的不同声音全给掐死啊？
孟老师啊，您就没有多想一想，您之所以能在这里无所顾忌地批评杨朱、驳斥墨翟，还不都是因为您生活在一片宽松自由的学术空气里？
遗憾的是，孟老师在这里慷慨激昂所呼吁的事情在他死后终于实现了，先是秦始皇的焚书坑儒，后是儒家学说一统天下……其间虽有一些小小的插曲、变奏，但也无非是以一种话语霸权代替另一种话语霸权。
孟老师这番话让我一下子联想到的就是1947年Mont Pelerin Society的那篇经典声明：
The central values of civilization are in danger. Over large stretches of the earth surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared. In others they are under constant menace from the development of current tendencies of policy. The position of the individual and the voluntary group are progressively undermined by extensions of arbitrary power. Even that most precious possession of Western Man, freedom of thought and expression, is threatened by the spread of creeds which, claiming the privilege of tolerance when in the position of a minority, seek only to establish a position of power in which they can suppress and obliterate all views but their own.
The group holds that these developments have been fostered by the growth of a view of history which denies all absolute moral standards and by the growth of theories which question the desirability of the rule of law. It holds further that they have been fostered by a decline of belief in private property and petitive market; for without the diffused power and initiative associated with these institutions it is difficult to imagine a society in which freedom may be effectively preserved.
Believing that what is essentially an ideological movement must be met by intellectual argument and the reassertion of valid ideals, the group, having made a preliminary exploration of the ground, is of the opinion that further study is desirable inter alia in regard to the following matters:
The analysis and exploration of the nature of the present crisis so as to bring home to others its essential moral and economic origins.
The redefinition of the functions of the state so as to distinguish more clearly between the totalitarian and the liberal order.
Methods of re-establishing the rule of law and of assuring its development in such manner that individuals and groups are not in a position to encroach upon the freedom of others and private rights are not allowed to become a basis of predatory power.
The possibility of establishing minimum standards by means not inimical to initiative and functioning of the market.
Methods bating the misuse of history for the furtherance of creeds hostile liberty.
The problem of the creation of an international order conducive to the safeguarding of peace and liberty and permitting the establishment
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